Socialism with Irish Characteristics: Part 3
The 1960s and Split
In the 1960s due to the failure of the border campaign the Leadership of the IRA and Sinn Féin decided to focus on economic and social issues. The leadership of Thomas Mac Giolla and Cathal Goulding saw a shift towards an orthodox Marxist approach. There were various disagreements in the movement around ideology, tactics and even a mistrust of the leadership. In terms of ideology some republicans were skeptical of “Soviet style” socialism for various reasons due to Cold War propaganda. However the most common theme was that the leadership was abandoning republicanism completely for a new revisionist Marxist current. The leadership was abandoning the national liberation struggle completely and only focusing on class issues. In 1969 Jimmy Steele who was considered an “anti communist” by the revisionist elements made a graveside oration. One part of the speech stated:
“Today, in many places, pure and raw patriotism is frowned upon. As is adherence to the policy of non-compromise and force. Indeed, one is now expected to be more conversant with the teachings of Chairman Mao than with those of our dead patriots.”
There was an attempt by the leadership to try and claim that Steele and those who a few months later would form the Provisional IRA were reactionary nationalists. This is far from the truth and nothing but revisionism. Steele’s entire speech was about James Connolly and developing republican ideology. He was merely pointing to the fact we’ve our own revolutionaries and should be continuing in their tradition, he went on to say:
“From the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations, said Pearse. My real hope, is from these graves of Barnes and McCormick, will emanate a combination of the old and new spirit, a spirit that will inspire men and women with the noble idealism of Pearse, the social and economic philosophy and aims of Connolly, and the fighting and courageous heart of Cathal Brugha.”
It is clear that Steele wasn’t a right wing conservative as suggested but wanted the movement to stay true to the revolutionary traditions. Steele’s speech showed the split was brewing within the movement. After the inaction by the Dublin leadership to defend nationalist areas it was clear the split was now inevitable. The IRA and Sinn Féin split into two factions, the provisionals and the officials. The narrative was being further pushed that the provisional IRA and Sinn Féin were conservative reactionaries by the officials. But in the next part we will demonstrate how this was nothing but revisionist propaganda.
The 1970s
The image promoted by the officials was a left right split took place. This is completely incorrect, the split mostly took place over tactics and inaction. The IRA and Sinn Féin made it clear within the first few months of 1970 in An Phoblacht that their aim was to “end forgein rule in Ireland, to establish a 32 county democratic socialist republic based on the proclamation of 1916....”, they were also an article written by Seamus O’Mongain in the same issue describing a socialist ideology called Comhar na gComharsan (which was originally developed by himself in the 1940s). The philosophy was much similar to that of Tone, Lalor, Pearse or Markievicz but for the first time it used a term to coin the social thinking of Republicanism which was obviously “Comhar na gComharsan” (neighbourly cooperation). In 1971 the Éire Nua programme was introduced, within it was a social programme which was based on Comhar na gChomharson. The document quoted the 1916 proclamation and democratic programme showing that those two documents is where they take inspiration from. The programme highlights the need for democratic ownership of industries and land. It maintained in its first two points:
“1. The wealth of Ireland belongs to the people and is theirs to be exploited and developed in their interests.
2. To ensure justice for all, the means of production, distribution and exchange must be controlled by the people and administered democratically.”
The Éire Nua Programme highlights exactly what a Democratic socialist republic would look like. It highlighted banks, public services (healthcare and education) and important industries would be run by the state for the interests of the Irish people. There would be cooperative and worker ownership of industries that were not state controlled and small businesses would be permitted. Large ranches would be redistributed into cooperatives or small farms. A direct participatory democracy would be introduced that would be decentralised to communities. This was how the Irish Republican or Comhar na gComharson model of socialism would work. It should be noted that they were opposed to the Soviet Union in this period and viewed it as “state capitalist”. Many people think that this was evidence of an anti socialist rhetoric. But we know by looking at the Éire Nua Programme the republican movement were firmly on the left and believed in their own revolutionary ideology. Although the Republican movement opposed the eastern states it saw striking similarities with the models of Yugoslavia, Algeria, Tanzania and Cuba. (Algeria and Tanzania also developed their own non Marxist versions of socialism based on Arab and African traditions). Internationally the republican movement gave their solidarity to national liberation movements and socialist movements in the third world, including the four nations mentioned above.
In Long Kesh many prisoners needed to develop their political/military strategies and ideology. In terms of warfare they’d read about the experiences of Guerrilla warfare in Vietnam, Cuba, Algeria, China and of course the tan war which inspired many international revolutions. They also began reading international revolutionary theorists like Frantz Fanon, Vladimir Lenin, Ho Chi Minh and Che Guevara. It was definitely encouraged to read as much revolutionary theory as possible in order to analyse what was happening and learn from other struggles on how to achieve victory. Gerry Adams pointed out that although it was essential to learn from other struggles and ideologies, that we shouldn’t forget about what our own people wrote and spoke about. He encouraged them to go back and read Jemmy Hope, Liam Mellows, Mary Ann McCracken and James Connolly. In Free Derry and Belfast the idea of creating self governing communities came to fruition. Community organizations involved with creating local facilities and developing culture were set up, cooperatives to create employment were established in areas such as Ballymurphy. They were following the philosophy adopted by the movement in order to build structures against imperialism.
The Long War
As the war raged on the IRA had to downsize its membership due to the fact they were infiltration and arrests of volunteers. The IRA was put into cell structures and there was the introduction of the green book. The green book explained how imperialism dominated the 6 counties in the form of colonialism and the 26 counties as neo colonialism. The green book emphasized developing worker ownership based on the 1916 proclamation. The establishment tried to whip up “red scare” tactics in Britain and even in the free state, This Cold War hysteria around Marxism was made to scare people. On the international stage the republican movement supported Marxist movements, however the IRA made a statement that it itself wasn’t Marxist but undoubtedly had a radical socialist agenda. The statement said:
“our aim is the establishment of a democratic socialist republic based on the 1916 Proclamation. Our republican socialism is a radical native brand taken from Tone, Lalor, Connolly and Mellows.”
In the very same issue of an Phoblacht an interview with Gerry Adams sees him explaining that republicans must be true to the 1916 proclamation and democratic programme. What he said was:
“To be a Republican in the true sense you have to base it on the 1916 Declaration which in itself is a radical document… Also as radical was the Democratic Programme of the First Dail. If we are to be true republicans we have to adhere to what it says in those documents. Our form of Republicanism is radical republicanism. We genuinely believe that when the struggle for independence is completed and the democratic process is re-established, the best solution or philosophy is decentralised socialism and government structures”
Since the beginning of the conflict the IRA targeted commercial interests via bombings, on some occasions industrialists were killed or kidnapped. This showed they were an understanding of the class nature of British imperialism in Ireland. In the 1980s although the movement still promoted non alignment and supported the struggles of the third world the revisionist view of the eastern blocs was dropped. They recognised the positive strides in housing, healthcare and anti poverty programs in the East and gave critical support. Sinn Féin introduced a pamphlet in 1980 called “socialism and nationalism”, it was written in order to explain the ideology of republicanism to new activists. However it was also made to dispel the ultra left argument that socialism and nationalism are antagonistic. Throughout the rest of the struggle the ideology remained much the same except new tactics to getting to a 32 county democratic socialist republic. The Éire Nua Programme would be dropped over it’s federalist approach but it’s economic outlook remained.
Conclusion and relevance today.
The development of a native model of socialism is a very interesting aspect of Irish Republicanism, it’s something that we need to be proud of as a people. Since 1798 we’ve managed to develop our socialist ideology which looked to ancient Gaelic traditions but also looked to new ideas. Too often the works of Connolly’s overlook the thinking of Hope, Lalor or the Fenians. That’s not to discredit Connolly’s contribution by the way but just to point out that the socialist thinking was not limited to him. Our struggle for independence has always been about the people and an end to imperial exploitation. Freedom of the Irish people is the true freedom of the Irish nation. We must take inspiration from Tone, Lalor, Pearse, the proclamation and democratic programme when we think on socialism.
The republican movement wasn't the only national liberation movement or revolutionary organization to develop its own brand of socialism. During the 1960s Tanzania, Algeria and Egypt had all claimed their socialism had come from either African Tribal traditions or from Arab traditions. Gaddafi's Libya promoted the idea of Islamic socialism whereas the Sandinistas ideology in Nicaragua appears to have two strands of socialism based on Sandino’s ideology and the other on Christianity. In this century we see Chavismo/Bolivarianism in Venezuela which is a form of socialism that Hugo Chavez formulated based on left wing nationalism. Then MAS in Bolivia has created a communitarian model based on the indigenous people’s traditions.
Today the idea of “Comhar na gComharsan” or “meitheal” are as relevant as ever, we must seek community empowerment via direct democracy, cooperative development, setting up publicly owned enterprises and investing in public services. The creation of a 32 county democratic socialist republic will evidently take inspiration from the legacy that was left in 1798, 1867, 1916 and the generations after. The people of Ireland must be in control of the wealth and industries of the nation, we also must recognise the people are the nation. The Sinn Féin constitution reaffirms our dedication to building a republic based on the proclamation and democratic programme.
When the eastern blocs and state socialism collapsed many Marxist Leninist groups in Europe felt hopeless and lost influence. Irish Republicanism as its own revolutionary tradition stayed strong. However the rise of the left in Latin America saw new ideological variations of socialism arise. Venezuela, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua all creating their own variants came under the term “socialism of the 21 century”. Irish Republicanism as of today can be added to the list of ideologies under that term. On the international front Sinn Féin must make links with all national liberation movements and socialist movements who want a more egalitarian society. We have the opportunity to build the new republic on the basis of our own radical socialist traditions. I have no doubt that we see what I’d personally call a socialist republic of the 21st century.
le Adrian Gallagher